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Tobias H. Tröger, Anastasia Kotovskaia
European Business Law Review
Volume 34, Issue 5 (2023) pp. 781 – 800
https://doi.org/10.54648/eulr2023038
Abstract
We investigate whether the bank crisis management framework of the European banking union can effectively bar the detrimental influence of national interests in cross-border bank failures. We find that both the internal governance structure and decision-making procedure of the Single Resolution Board (SRB) and the interplay between the SRB and national resolution authorities in the implementation of supranationally devised resolution schemes provide inroads that allow opposing national interests to obstruct supranational resolution. The amendments to the framework recently proposed by the European Commission would not alter the assessment materially. We also show that the Single Resolution Fund (SRF), even after the ratification of the reform of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the introduction of the SRF backstop facility, is inapt to overcome these frictions. We propose a full supranationalization of resolution decision-making. This would allow European authorities in charge of bank crisis management to operate autonomously and achieve socially optimal outcomes beyond national borders.
Keywords
SRB, SRF, SRM, bank resolution, banking union, bail-in, ESM, national interest, political economy, bureaucrats’ incentives
Extract
The impact of Brexit on the trade relations of EU/UK with third countries is likely to entail an extensive process of amendment to the disciplines and sectoral obligations featured in their current multilateral and bilateral trade and investment agreements. At the WTO, the UK stance will require amending the current EU lists of concessions in a way that may lead to a broad renegotiation process. At the bilateral level, the status of current EU agreements regarding the UK and third countries is uncertain, as these agreements may no longer apply to the UK. Further, agreements on goods, such the customs union with Turkey, will no longer be valid for the UK. Least developed countries (LDCs) and developing countries who benefit from the EU Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) will continue under this regime, but that framework will no longer be applicable to the UK. In all cases, third countries who consider that Brexit has diminished the value of their commitments may request compensation or changes in the text of the agreements, or ultimately terminate the agreement. The process of amending the trade and investment agreements requires comprehensive knowledge of their trade and investment flows with the EU and the UK.
Journal of World Trade